That's why NATO continues to be indispensable. First, in dealing with those nations that break rules and laws, I believe that we must develop alternatives to violence that are tough enough to actually change behavior -- for if we want a lasting peace, then the words of the international community must mean something. I have spoken at some length to the question that must weigh on our minds and our hearts as we choose to wage war. ã®ãã¨ã¯ä»åãªãããå¾ãã®ã¯ããããã¦éåæ°ãä¸åã51ï¼
ã®å¾ç¥¨çã ã£ ããã¨ããããããï¼æ³¨1ï¼ããããæ¥æ¬ã§ã¯å¤§çµ±é åé¸åå©æ¼èª¬ãcd ããã¯ã¨ ãã¦è¤æ°ã®åºçç¤¾ããåºçããããªã©ããã¾ã ã«ãªããã®ã¹ãã¼ãã¸ã®è©ä¾¡ã äººæ°ã¯é«ãã So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths -- that war is sometimes necessary, and war at some level is an expression of human folly. The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. ã®ç±³å¤§çµ±é ã®ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³åè³ã¯ãæ¥é²æ¦äºãè¬åã«å°ããâ¦ Billions have been lifted from poverty. And yet I would be remiss if I did not acknowledge the considerable controversy that your generous decision has generated. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations -- total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. It is a centerpiece of my foreign policy. But it is also incumbent upon all of us to insist that nations like Iran and North Korea do not game the system. Investments in development. 今日は何の日？ 経済、政治、社会に影響を与えた、今日同じ日の歴史を、当時の日経平均株価、ドル/円の為替レートとともに振り返ります。. ããªããå¤§çµ±é ãã¼ãã«è³ ã¹ãã¼ããã®é¢é£ãã¥ã¼ã¹. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. We lose our moral compass. And at times, this is joined by a reflexive suspicion of America, the world's sole military superpower. It's also why the world must come together to confront climate change. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. But I also know that sanctions without outreach -- condemnation without discussion -- can carry forward only a crippling status quo. ã¹ãã¼ãã®å¤©æã¨ç§°ããããªããå¤§çµ±é ãå¤ãã®æ°è¡ãæåã«å°ããã®ç§å¯ã¨ã¯ï¼é»ãè¸ã¿ããªãºã ãå¤§åã«ããªãããè§£ããããä¾ããéå»ã®åäººã®è¨èãã¬ããªãã¯ãäº¤ãã¦æ£ãã°ãã¦ããå½¼ã®ææ³ã¯è±èªææã¨ãã¦ãéå¸¸ã«é«ãä¾¡å¤ãçã¿åºãã¦ãã¾ãã More and more, we all confront difficult questions about how to prevent the slaughter of civilians by their own government, or to stop a civil war whose violence and suffering can engulf an entire region. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression. (Applause.) At times, it must be coupled with painstaking diplomacy. That is why I prohibited torture. And over time, as codes of law sought to control violence within groups, so did philosophers and clerics and statesmen seek to regulate the destructive power of war. Tweet, Posted by: BlogPetのsleepy | December 24, 2009 02:21 PM, Email Address: That's why we honor those who return home from peacekeeping and training abroad to Oslo and Rome; to Ottawa and Sydney; to Dhaka and Kigali -- we honor them not as makers of war, but of wagers -- but as wagers of peace. Now these questions are not new. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement -- all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him." Comments are moderated, and will not appear on this weblog until the author has approved them. We see it in the Middle East, as the conflict between Arabs and Jews seems to harden. Commerce has stitched much of the world together. Terrorism has long been a tactic, but modern technology allows a few small men with outsized rage to murder innocents on a horrific scale. Furthermore, America -- in fact, no nation -- can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life work, I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease -- the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences. And most dangerously, we see it in the way that religion is used to justify the murder of innocents by those who have distorted and defiled the great religion of Islam, and who attacked my country from Afghanistan. Some time ago in Calcutta we had great difficulty in getting sugar, ä»¥åãç§éã¯ã«ã«ã«ãã¿ã§ç ç³ãæã«å
¥ããã®ã«ãã®ãããè¦å´ãã¾ããã | JIN-仁- DVD-BOX 3月発売 », War and Peace in Oslo | The White House æªåé¡ ãªãã ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ æ¼èª¬. I believe that peace is unstable where citizens are denied the right to speak freely or worship as they please; choose their own leaders or assemble without fear. We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. Clear-eyed, we can understand that there will be war, and still strive for peace. That's why we must strengthen U.N. and regional peacekeeping, and not leave the task to a few countries. Such a warped view of religion is not just incompatible with the concept of peace, but I believe it's incompatible with the very purpose of faith -- for the one rule that lies at the heart of every major religion is that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. ãã¼ãã«è³ããªãç§ã§ãªãï¼ï¼ãã©ã³ãæ°ãä¸æºè¡¨æ ããã³ãã³ï¼åä½èçããã«ã¦ã§ã¼ã®ãã¼ãã«è³å§å¡ä¼ã¯9æ¥ã09å¹´ã®ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ãããã©ã¯ã»ãªããç±³å¤§çµ±é ï¼48ï¼ã«æä¸ããã¨çºè¡¨ããã ã£ã«ã»ãããã¯ã¼ã¯ãã¨ããæ ç»ã«åãããã¾ããã æ ç»ã«åºã¦ããå°ãã¿ãæã¿ãªãããåæ¥çã¸å¹´é½¢ã®è¿ãå½¼ã ããããä¼ããããæããèªã£ã¦ãã¾ãã Let us live by their example. Where force is necessary, we have a moral and strategic interest in binding ourselves to certain rules of conduct. In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred. One urgent example is the effort to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons, and to seek a world without them. Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he's outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us. I receive this honor with deep gratitude and great humility. We also know that the opposite is true. « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã¯ç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½è©ä¾¡ï¼ãã¼ãã«è³åè³çç±ã¯ï¼ ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã®è©ä¾¡ãä½ãï¼ç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½è©ä¾¡ãªã®ãï¼ ãã©ã¯ã»ãªããã¯ãç¬¬44ä»£ç±³å½å¤§çµ±é ãéããªãä»»æçµäºã¨ãªãã¾ãããç±³å½æ´ä»£å¤§çµ±é æä½ã®è©ä¾¡ã§ã¯ã¨ã®å£°ãä¸ãã£ã¦ããããã§ãã The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries -- including Norway -- in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks. In the wake of such destruction, and with the advent of the nuclear age, it became clear to victor and vanquished alike that the world needed institutions to prevent another world war. I reject these choices. Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. It is an award that speaks to our highest aspirations -- that for all the cruelty and hardship of our world, we are not mere prisoners of fate. These extremists are not the first to kill in the name of God; the cruelties of the Crusades are amply recorded. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. So even as we respect the unique culture and traditions of different countries, America will always be a voice for those aspirations that are universal. å»å¹´ã®11æã ã£ãããã®ãããã«ãªããç±³å¤§çµ±é ããã¼ãã«è³ãåè³ãããã¤ã©ã¯ã¸ã®ç±³è»å¢æ´¾ãªã©ã§ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³ã®åè³ãæããã¦å¦¥å½ã§ãããã¨ãããã¨ã«ã¤ãã¦çåè¦ããå£°ããã£ããããã¼ãã«è³å§å¡ä¼ã®ææãããã®ã§ã¯ãªããã¨ããè©±ããã£ããããã ï¼1ï¼ãªããæ¼èª¬é å²©æ³¢æ°æ¸ ãªããï¼ãè¿°ã å²©æ³¢æ¸åº 2010ï¼1 ï¼æ¥è²©ãã¼ã¯å
¨å½å¤§ä¼ã®æ¼èª¬ããã09å¹´ã®å¤§çµ±é å°±ä»»æ¼èª¬ãããã¦ãã¼ãã«å¹³åè³åè³è¬æ¼ã¾ã§ãåé²ãããªããæ¼èª¬éã®æ±ºå®çã Yes, there will be engagement; yes, there will be diplomacy -- but there must be consequences when those things fail. We are the heirs of the fortitude and foresight of generations past, and it is a legacy for which my own country is rightfully proud. There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. And yet this truth must coexist with another -- that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights -- it must encompass economic security and opportunity.